A strategy for EU foreign policy

The European Union is a politico-economic union of 28 member states that are located primarily in Europe. The EU operates through a system of supranational institutions and intergovernmental-negotiated decisions by the member states.

The EU’s ability to influence the international order will in future depend not only on its ability to bring together the whole of the EU – i.e. the institutions and, crucially, the Member States, who remain decisive in foreign and security affairs – but just as importantly on drawing up a strategy for EU international policy to guide external action as a whole. The European Union remains essentially a civilian power that confines the use of force to the most exceptional circumstances and broad international legitimacy.

The Lisbon Treaty offers an opportunity for the European Union to take on a world role compatible with its status and aspirations. This implies that, in its own policy formulation and in all areas relating to international policy, the EU must act in accordance with three basic principles – autonomy, consistency and coherence – while striving to shape a multilateral world order.

A multilateral world order:

The ongoing transition of the post-Cold War international system to a new one, marked by the redistribution of power at the global level and deep interdependence, needs to be matched by the reform of the multilateral order. Making multilateral structures more effective and more legitimate is both a matter of principle and a question of interest for the EU. As a collective international actor well suited to manage interdependence but at pains with geopolitical competition, the Union can take a leading role in international cooperation and has a vital interest in promoting effective multilateralism and global governance. EU needs to respond to the growing demand for coherence and joined-up policy making.

1.Linking international peace and justice to human security

2.Disarmament and denuclearization

3.Climate change:- The EU should continue to work towards a new multilateral framework to limit and manage climate change. For the EU this is a matter of principle, a strategic objective and a question of economic interest. As the successful establishment of a globally binding multilateral agreement has been called into question, at least in the near future, it should also search for alternative avenues to facilitate international consensus and promote action at global, regional, national and local levels. This question should be on the agenda of all strategic partnerships summits.

4.Democratic inclusion through enlargement – the first priority of the Union:- Enlargement policy remains a fundamental component of the EU drive for an integrated and free European continent. Successful expansion requires moving the Balkans policy from an agenda dominated by security issues related to the wars that accompanied the dissolution of Yugoslavia to an agenda focused on the future accession of the Western Balkans to the EU.

5.Give a multilateral sense to the Neighbourhood policy :-The Eastern Partnership has, for the first time, introduced a multilateral dimension in EU policy towards the eastern neighbourhood. This is a step in the right direction. The EU should think of new and stronger incentives for the eastern partners to engage in multilateral cooperation

6.Regional policies and priorities: consistent universalism EU foreign policy should be guided by the principle of universalism. For countries and regions beyond its neighbourhood, the EU needs to strike a delicate balance between genuine universalism and the prioritisation of specific geographical areas where the action of the Union can make a difference and where its responsibility is at stake, as in preventing mass violence, supporting democratic regimes under threat or in the event of a serious challenge to international security.

7.Afghanistan and Pakistan: making the civilian approach work

8.The EU and US: close partners for an effective multilateral

9.International order:- The combined efforts of the United States and Europe are no longer sufficient to shape international relations. Recognising this fact, the Obama administration has reverted to the multilateral tradition of the United States. However, transatlantic consensus remains a basic precondition for any effective international coalition. Transatlantic cooperation should nevertheless become more inclusive and take into account the diminished role of the West in the world. The US seems to have adapted better than the EU to the changing reality of the new global order. Few in Europe accept that the EU is over-represented in global bodies, such as the IMF, World Bank, the UN Security Council or even the G20. The US and the EU should make greater efforts in consulting each other about their global initiatives.

10.China: building multilateral partnerships:- The EU has been and should continue to be a partner of China as it continues on its peaceful rise, but it now needs to add a multilateral dimension to its relations with China not only through common participation in international frameworks like the G-20 but also through a number of jointly-promoted multilateral initiatives. The trilateral cooperation between the EU, Africa and China has proved to be a useful instrument for addressing issues of mutual interest and concern. There is a need for the EU to take the initiative in stepping up cooperation with China in areas like climate change and non-proliferation and disarmament. Cooperative frameworks should also certainly involve the United States. Others must also be involved depending on the issues at stake. This could give the EU a voice in what may become a major trend of global governance – ad hoc issue-based groupings of states set on advancing a set of goals – and provide the EU with an opportunity to promote its interests and fundamental values. The EU should be aware, however, of the dangers of an over-abundance of such fora especially if they are based on ChinaUS-EU trilateral frameworks that might be the prelude to a kind of global directoire, and actively work to make the more inclusive global governance initiatives, like the G-20, more effective.

11.India: partners beyond trade:- In as much as it needs to transcend bilateral trade relations, the EU-India partnership should at least guarantee that bilateral commercial interests are compatible with advancing towards fair multilateral trade agreements, in particular at WTO level, which will in turn benefit sustainable development worldwide. But trade is not sufficient to build a genuine strategic partnership with the world’s largest democracy. Genuine commitment can be generated on symbiotic or complementary action in matters of mutual interest and common concern. In this spirit, joint or concerted action in the fields of peacekeeping and peace building, including cooperation on crisis management and particularly maritime security, as well the fight against terrorism under international law should be explored.

Coherence and consistency in the EU’s foreign policy:

1.Delegitimisation of power politics as a prerequisite for world peace:- The process of European integration was born out of the necessity of delegitimising power politics and extreme nationalism in Europe after the tragedy of the Second World War in order to guarantee lasting peace. The Union has developed first and 16 ISSReportNo.07 foremost as a civilian power: the use of military force is legitimate only in the interests of peace and never to advance the EU’s own interests. For the European Union there is no contradiction between the defence of its values and principles and its long-term interests.

2.Multilateralism is a fundamental interest of the Union:- The Union has a fundamental interest in playing a prominent global role and in fostering the international acceptance of its concept of effective multilateralism. First and foremost because its own model of integration constitutes the most advanced form of multilateralism, and its experience equips it with a global reach. Multilateralism for the Union is a means to achieve the resolution of global or regional problems and a commitment to multilateralism is shared by the Member States, as well as by regional organisations and civil society. This commitment is based on the conviction that citizens of different states and regions of the world share common interests.

3.Soft power is real power:- The power of attraction of the Union – what is commonly termed ‘soft power’ – matters in today’s interdependent world with its highly interlinked and networked information society. Powers of influence and persuasion, even in contexts where the use of force is called for, are primarily a function of the EU’s own internal model of democratic peace, association between states, and social cohesion. The Union is in that sense an international public good and an example that has inspired a number of regional initiatives and that generates a lot of goodwill in relation to the Union’s international initiatives. For this reason, for the European Union the internal is external, that is to say that the way it preserves the values it affirms to stand for, its founding values in the internal order, will shape the perceptions of the other international players – as well as its own self-perception. This is particularly the case regarding its unique model of association among national states, of social cohesion and solidarity, and of unity within diversity.

4.Human rights: a guiding principle for all EU policies etc.

CSDP: towards a comprehensive foreign policy

In principle, defence policy forms only one part of a much broader EU foreign and security policy, which uses a wide range of tools from diplomats and development workers to judges and police, and – when necessary – soldiers. As the 2003 European Security Strategy (ESS) explains, none of the threats and challenges in today’s international security environment are purely military, nor can any be tackled by purely military means. In practice, the EU’s common security and defence policy (CSDP) is an international crisis management policy, whose aims include helping to prevent conflict and rebuild societies emerging from war. Since their first peacekeeping operation in 2003, EU governments have so far initiated some 24 CSDP missions, mixing both civil and military resources.

The EU in a changing world:

The ongoing transition from the post-Cold War international system to a new one, marked by the redistribution of power at the global level and deep interdependence, needs to be matched by the reform of the multilateral order. Making multilateral structures more effective and more legitimate is both a matter of principle and a question of interest for the EU. The Treaty of Lisbon clearly states that the action of the Union on the international scene is to be guided by the principles that have inspired its own creation, development and enlargement, which the EU seeks to advance in the wider world. These include the principles of the UN Charter and international law, and promoting multilateral solutions to common problems. The 2003 European Security Strategy regards an international order based on effective multilateralism as a strategic objective of the Union, an assessment fully confirmed by the 2008 report on the implementation of the strategy. As a collective international actor well suited to manage interdependence but having to cope with geopolitical competition, the Union can play a leading role in international cooperation but is less comfortable at playing a balance-of-power game. In fact, power politics challenges the very purpose of the EU and highlights its weaknesses. More broadly, however, a drift towards unrestrained competition would lead to a ‘loselose’ state of affairs for all major powers and the international community at large.

Building a European regional order A regional order: Europe and its close neighbours:-

The first priority of EU foreign policy is Europe itself – the continent – and its immediate neighbourhood. This is also the region where its tools as a civilian power are most effective and where soft power exercises greater attraction. Enlargement and neighbourhood policy, now under the same Commissioner, are the fundamental tools to achieve this objective but they will still depend on the ability of the Union to use the whole array of foreign and security policy instruments at its disposal to resolve conflicts and crises.

EU support for Regional-Global Cooperation

The paper upon which the third panel presentation was based was written by Stephen Kingah and Aliya Salimzhuarova, and presented at the conference by Kingah. The paper examined the issue of legitimacy in the international development government regime through an assessment of the World Bank and the Regional Development Banks (RDBs). The authors attempt to answer the question of how enhanced coordination between the World Bank and the RDBs can ultimately address inequalities around the world. The paper offers an analytical history of the WB as well as the process that has necessitated its reform. In the second section the paper addresses the criticism around the operation of the World Bank especially its legitimacy to represent the interests of the poorest countries within the global political economy regime. Subsequently, the authors further their argument that the inclusion of RDBs into the global economic and financial system through greater coordination with and integration into the World Bank could mitigate some of the criticism levied against the multilateral loaning agency. The WB has often been criticised for being unrepresentative to the diversity of interest in the global system. Thus, further coordination would make the banking system more legitimate. In linking assessing the added value of RDB inclusion into the global economic and financial system, the authors presents a succinct description of the four existing regional development banks in Africa, Europe, the Americas and Asia.

International and Regional Organisations

International:

1.OECD

2.UNESCO

3.The United Nations (UN)

4.World Trade Organization (WTO)

5.North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO)

6.Organisation of Islamic Cooperation

Regional:

1.African Union

2.Andean Community

3.Asia Europe Meeting (ASEM)

4.Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN):-The EU and the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) share a commitment to regional integration as a means of fostering regional stability, building prosperity, and addressing global challenges.  The EU fully supports ASEAN’s renewed efforts to build a closer relationship amongst its member states. The EU wants a strong, united and self-confident ASEAN, proceeding with its own integration.

Overview of ASEAN-EU Dialogue Relations:-

Introduction

The ASEAN-European Union (EU) dialogue relations were formalised when the 10th ASEAN Foreign Ministers Meeting (AMM), held on 5-8 July 1977, agreed on ASEAN’s formal cooperation and relationship with the European Economic Community (EEC), which included the Council of Ministers of the EEC, the Permanent Representative of the EEC countries and the EEC Commission.

The ASEAN-EU dialogue relations were institutionalised with the signing of the ASEAN-EEC Cooperation Agreement on 7 March 1980. The dialogue relations have since rapidly grown and expanded to cover a wide range of areas including political and security, economic and trade, social and cultural and development cooperation.

ASEAN-EU dialogue relations are guided by the Nuremberg Declaration on an EU-ASEAN Enhanced Partnership which was adopted in 2007. The Declaration sets out long-term vision and commitment of both sides to work together for common goals and objectives in the future.

Political-Security Cooperation

1.The EU was the first regional organisation to accede to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia (TAC) at the sidelines of the 45th AMM/PMC/19th ARF on 12 July 2012 in Phnom Penh. The accession demonstrated the EU’s commitment towards ASEAN and reflected as the important milestones in ASEAN-EU relations to promote peace, security and stability in the region.

2.The Ministers at the 20th ASEAN-EU Ministerial Meeting held on 23 July 2014 in Brussels agreed for both sides to work towards the upgrading of the partnership to a strategic one and tasked their senior officials to develop a roadmap for this goal. The Ministers also welcomed the EU’s commitment to more than double dedicated support for ASEAN’s institution building and 2015 Community building goals to €170 million in the period of 2014-2020.

3.Political and security cooperation between ASEAN and the EU has been progressing well through existing ASEAN-EU mechanisms such as ASEAN-EU Ministerial Meeting, ASEAN-EU Senior Officials’ Meeting as well as through dialogue and cooperation frameworks initiated by ASEAN, such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) and the Post Ministerial Conferences (PMCs) 10+1. These regular meetings have helped ASEAN and the EU understand one another and build higher comfort level to further cooperation. ASEAN views these meetings critical in reviewing and guiding ASEAN-EU relations.

4.The 19th ASEAN-EU Ministerial Meeting, which was held on 26-27 April 2012 in Bandar Seri Begawan, adopted the Bandar Seri Begawan Plan of Action to Strengthen the ASEAN-EU Enhanced Partnership (2013-2017) that aims to give a more strategic focus to cooperation at regional cooperation in a wide range of areas – political/ security, economic/ trade and sociocultural.

5.The ASEAN-EU Informal Troika Summit was held at the sidelines of the 10th ASEM Summit on 16 October 2014 in Milan, Italy. The Summit was co-chaired by H.E. Nguyen Tan Dung, Prime Minister of Viet Nam and H.E. Herman van Rompuy, President of the European Council. The Summit deliberated over the future perspectives of ASEAN and regional and international issues of common concern and interest.

6.Currently there are 25 Ambassadors from the EU Member States and the Commission accredited their Ambassadors to ASEAN. Those are Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, the EU, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Ireland, Italy, Luxembourg, the Netherlands, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, and the UK.

Economic Cooperation

1.ASEAN appreciated the EU’s assistance to ASEAN through the ASEAN Regional Integration Support from the EU (ARISE) programme to support the capacities of the ASEAN Member States in harmonising and implementing policies and regulations in economic sectors so as to contribute to the realisation of the ASEAN Economic Community (AEC). The Grant Contract for Capacity Building of the ASEAN Secretariat Staff has been signed by the Secretary General on behalf of ASEAN. The signing ceremony of ARISE Programme took place at the conclusion of the 20th ASEAN-EU JCC held on 17 January 2013 at the ASEAN Secretariat.

2.The ASEAN-EU Business Summit (AEBS) continued to attract many business people from both regions and provide the opportunity for public-private sector dialogue. The 3rd ASEAN-EU Business Summit was held on 8-9 March 2013 at the sidelines of the 12th AEM-EU Trade Commissioner Consultations, following to the successful convening of the 1st ASEAN-EU Business Summit in 2011 and the 2nd ASEAN-EU Business Summit in 2012. So far, the AEBS has focused its discussions and recommendations on the sectors of infrastructure/connectivity, agri-food, healthcare, automotive and services and the recommendations arising from the AEBS have been presented to the AEM-EU Trade Commissioner.

3.In Tourism, the number of visitor arrivals from the EU to ASEAN in 2012 was 8.07 million, an increase from 7.33 million in 2011.

4.Trade and investment relations between ASEAN and the EU remained substantial. Total trade between ASEAN and the EU slightly grew by 1.5%, amounting to US$ 246.2 billion in 2013. Exports to the EU slightly declined by 0.4% amounting to US$124.4 billion, while imports from the EU rose 3.5% totaling US$121.8 billion. During the same period, EU was ASEAN’s third largest trading partner.

5.Foreign Direct Investment flow from the EU into ASEAN increased by 53.2% totaling US$26.7 billion. The EU continues to be ASEAN’s biggest source of Foreign Direct Investment, with a share of 22.3%.

6.Negotiations for an ASEAN-EU FTA were launched in July 2007 with seven ASEAN Member States and both sides agreed to pause the negotiations in March 2009. At the 12th ASEAN Economic Ministers (AEM)-EU Trade Commissioner Consultations on 8 March 2013 in Ha Noi, the EU Trade Commissioner reiterated that the EU would pursue the bilateral FTA negotiations with individual AMS as building blocks towards the regional FTA and the EU would consider resuming negotiations of an ASEAN-EU FTA upon realisation of the ASEAN Economic Community by the end of 2015.

7.Recognising the potential for comprehensive aviation cooperation on a region-to-region basis, the 1st EU-ASEAN Aviation Summit was convened on 11-12 February 2014 in Singapore. This event served as a platform to deepen the strategic aviation dialogue between ASEAN and the EU with the aim of concluding a comprehensive air transport agreement between the two regions.

8.The ASEAN-EU Policy Dialogue on Connectivity was held on 24-28 February 2014 in Brussels and Luxembourg. The Dialogue welcomed the establishment of an EU mechanism to engage the ASEAN Connectivity Coordinating Committee in supporting the Master Plan on Connectivity (MPAC) and enhancing ASEAN-EU cooperation in connectivity. The inaugural ACCC-EU Meeting was held on 11 September 2014 in Nay Pyi Taw.

 Socio-Cultural Cooperation

1.Following the 21st ASEAN-EU Joint Cooperation Committee (JCC) Meeting on 24 January 2014, both sides discussed the programming of the 2014-2020 of financial support for ASEAN which would focus on: (i) connectivity: sustainable and inclusive economic integration and trade; (ii) climate change and disaster management; and (iii) a comprehensive dialogue facility.

2.On education, READI provided funding support for the project on the “State of Education Report in ASEAN”, which aims to stock-take ASEAN’s initiatives and chart progress in education in ASEAN in line with the ASEAN 5-Year Work Plan on Education (2011-2015). On Science and Technology, READI is also currently supporting two pilot networks of excellence in the field of green technology and on food security, respectively. On Environment, READI supported the convening of the first ASEAN-EU Roundtable on Climate Change which was held on 27 August 2013 in Jakarta.

3.Cooperation under the Regional EU-ASEAN Dialogue Instrument (READI) has rapidly become a vital instrument of support towards the strengthening of the ASEAN Socio-Cultural Community (ASCC) and it has been very successful in its implementation of activities.

4.In the area of disaster management, the EU is currently providing support to ASEAN through READI in the development of a Monitoring and Evaluation System for the implementation of the ASEAN Agreement on Disaster Management and Emergency Response (AADMER) Work Programme (2010-2015). The EU is also providing support through a new programme called the ASEAN-EU Emergency Management Programme (AEEMP), which funded by the Instrument for Stability. This programme is expected to provide support to the ASEAN Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on Disaster Management (AHA Centre), ASEAN Member States and the ASEAN Secretariat.

5.The EU also provided funding support to the Institutional Capacity Building for ASEAN Monitoring and Statistics (2013-2017), EU Support to Higher Education in ASEAN Region (2014-2019), ASEAN-EU Migration and Border Management Programme Phase I and II, ASEAN-EU Statistical Capacity Building Programme (2009-2012), ASEAN Project on the Protection of Intellectual Property Rights (2009-2018), ASEAN Air Transport Integration Project (2010-2016) and Enhancing ASEAN FTA Negotiating Capacity/Support to ASEAN-EU Negotiating Process (2011-2013).

        6.Council of Europe

        7.European Economic Area (EEA)

        8.Gulf Cooperation Council

        9.Mercosur

      10.Organisation for Security & Co-operation in Europe (OSCE)

11.South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC):-The EU and South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC) is an economic and political regional organisation of countries in South Asia set up in 1985. It aims to accelerate the process of economic and social development in its member states through increased intra-regional cooperation. It has eight member countries (Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Maldives, Nepal, Pakistan and Sri-Lanka) and eight observer status countries (China, the European Union, Iran, Japan, South Korea, Mauritius, Burma/Myanmar and the United States of America). SAARC Heads of State are scheduled to meet at annual Summits. The last Summit was held in 2010 in Thimphu (Bhutan), with Bhutan becoming the SAARC Chair. The Maldives will be chairing SAARC from 10-11 November, when the 17th Summit will take place in the capital Male.

The EU has observer status since 2006, and greatly values co-operation and regional integration in South Asia. The EU believes that it can help consolidate the ongoing integration process through its economic influence in the region, its own historical experience of economic and trade integration and of dealing with diversity, and its interest in crisis prevention. It is convinced that SAARC could play a useful role in regional co-operation and dialogue.

Cooperation between the EU and SAARC notably seeks to promote the harmonisation of standards; facilitate trade; raise awareness about the benefits of regional cooperation; and promote business networking in the SAARC area.

Key Milestones: 1996: European Commission and SAARC Secretariat sign Memorandum of Understanding on Cooperation which has provided the background for technical assistance on trade matters.

1999: EU and SAARC agree to cooperate on improving market access for SAARC products into EU, working towards a cumulation of rules of origin for SAARC products for exports to the EU, giving a Technical support for the establishment of the South Asian Free Trade Agreement and supporting the harmonisation of SAARC standards.

Other:

G7 / G8

G20

 Challenges:-

1.Comprehensive coherence: the political challenge:- Comprehensive coherence and consistency across the board will not be achieved, however, simply by setting up the European External Action Service, following the appointment of the new President of the European Council and of the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy whose task it is to supervise and ensure the unity and continuity of EU external action. There will still be a need to get EU Member States to overcome their different perspectives on key foreign policy issues, e.g. concerning the Middle East and Russia, and to develop a common approach. Achieving multidimensional coherence and consistency depends first and foremost on the strategic guidelines and specific priorities to be addressed by the whole foreign and security policy apparatus.

2.Comprehensive coherence: the institutional challenges:- In many respects, the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty is a point of departure and not of arrival. This is certainly the case when it comes to the foreign policy and external action of the European Union. In these domains, the Lisbon Treaty marks the starting point for much-needed innovation. The challenge lies in moving from framework provisions at treaty level to viable, robust and flexible policy-making structures. A concerted effort must be made by all EU Member States in order to guarantee coherence and consistency in the formulation and implementation of EU foreign and security policy. This will require consensus among all EU actors, combining strong central coordination with flexibility.

Conclusions:-

On 15-16/11/2014  G20 summit, Brisbane

With the adoption of the Brisbane Action Plan on Growth and Jobs, G20 members committed to step up their efforts and investments to boost economic growth and jobs creation.

The G20 also focused on taking actions to ensure the fairness of the international tax system and made progress on anti-corruption measures. G20 members support the strengthening of international economic institutions to address changes in the world economy and facilitate trade.

Finally, the G20 also looked at increasing collaboration on energy matters and pushed for a strong and effective action to address climate change.

In the margins of the G20, Presidents Van Rompuy and Juncker also attended a joint meeting with  President Obama and other EU leaders present at the summit. They reconfirmed their commitment to the  transatlantic trade and investment partnership (TTIP).

Statement on Ebola

G20 members committed to do what is necessary to ensure the international effort can stop the outbreak and address its economic and humanitarian costs. They also acknowledged the necessity to support the full implementation of the WHO’s International Health Regulations (IHR), and to build capacity to prevent or rapidly respond to infectious diseases like Ebola.

Meeting between US President Obama, EU Presidents and EU leaders attending the G20

A meeting between EU leaders and President Obama was organised to discuss the situation in Ukraine, and the transatlantic trade and investment partnership (TTIP).

They remain committed to conclude a mutually beneficial and high standard agreement, based on transparency.

On Ukraine, Herman Van Rompuy confirmed that the EU may consider new measures against Russia if Russia does nor comply with the Minsk agreement.

Importance:-G.S.2(International Relationship&Foreign Policy)

U.N. concerned over Yemen’s political crisis

The U.N. Security Council has expressed grave concern after the Shia Houthis announced that they were taking over Yemen and dissolving Parliament.

The Council called “in the strongest terms” on all parties, in particular the Houthis, to abide by the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) initiative, the National Dialogue Conference outcomes, and the Peace and National Partnership Agreements which provide for a Yemeni-lead democratic transition, Xinhuareported on Saturday.

The U.N. Security Council said it was ready to take “further steps”, which could mean new sanctions, if Yemen’s Shia Houthi group does not immediately return to the U.N.-led negotiations on a democratic transition.

It also called for the “immediate release” of President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi, Prime Minister Khaled Bahah and members of the Cabinet from house arrest.

The Shia Houthi group on Friday announced the formation of a presidential council to take over power from the presidency, a move that further deepens the chaos after Yemen’s President and premier submitted resignations last month.

Yemen’s political parties have been holding consultations brokered by U.N. envoy Jamal Benomar for more than two weeks, aiming to reach a consensus.

Despite the formation of a new government in November 2014 aimed at ending a period of political turbulence and bringing about a full transition towards democracy, the impoverished Arab country continues to be plagued by violence and mass political demo.

Importance:-G.S.2(International Relationship&Foreign Policy)

Much more coming soon.

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